Irish phonology varies from dialect to dialect; there is no standard pronunciation of Irish. Therefore, this article focuses on phenomena shared by most or all dialects, and on the major differences among the dialects. Detailed discussion of the dialects can be found in the specific articles: Ulster Irish, Connacht Irish, and Munster Irish.
Irish phonology has been studied as a discipline since the late 19th century, with numerous researchers publishing descriptive accounts of dialects from all regions where the language is spoken. More recently, Irish phonology has been the focus of theoretical linguists.
One of the most important aspects of Irish phonology is that almost all consonants (except /h/) come in pairs, a "broad" and a "slender" pronunciation. Broad consonants are either velarized (âË ; back of tongue is pulled back and slightly up in the direction of the soft palate during articulation) or simply velar (for example, /k É¡/). Slender consonants are palatalized (âʲ; tongue pushed up towards the hard palate during articulation). The contrast between broad and slender consonants is crucial in Irish, because the meaning of a word can change if a broad consonant is substituted for a slender consonant or vice versa. For example, the only difference in pronunciation between the words bó ('cow') and beo ('alive') is that bó is pronounced with broad /bË /, while beo is pronounced with slender /bʲ/. The contrast between broad and slender consonants plays a critical role not only in distinguishing the individual consonants themselves, but also in the pronunciation of the surrounding vowels, in the determination of which consonants can stand next to each other, and in the behaviour of words that begin with a vowel. This broad/slender distinction is similar to the hard/soft one of several Slavic languages, like Russian.
Irish shares a number of phonological characteristics with its nearest linguistic relatives, Scottish Gaelic and Manx, as well as with Hiberno-English, which it currently has the most language contact with.
History of the discipline edit
Until the end of the 19th century, linguistic discussions of Irish focused either on the traditional grammar (issues like the inflection of nouns, verbs and adjectives) or on the historical development of sounds from Proto-Indo-European through Proto-Celtic to Old Irish. The first descriptive analysis of the phonology of an Irish dialect was Finck (1899), which was based on the author's fieldwork in the Aran Islands. This was followed by Quiggin (1906), a phonetic description of the dialect of Meenawannia near Glenties, County Donegal. Pedersen (1909) is predominantly a historical account, but has some description of modern dialects as well. Alf Sommerfelt published early descriptions of Ulster dialects (Sommerfelt 1922 and Sommerfelt 1965 for the village of Torr in Gweedore, Sommerfelt 1927, and Sommerfelt 1929 for the now extinct dialect of South Armagh). The dialect of Dunquin on the Dingle Peninsula in Munster was described by Sjoestedt (1931). From 1944 to 1968 the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies published a series of monographs, each describing the phonology of one local dialect: à CuÃv (1944) for West Muskerry in County Cork (Ballyvourney, Coolea and vicinity), de Bhaldraithe (1966) (first published 1945) for Cois Fhairrge in County Galway (Barna, Spiddal, Inverin and vicinity), Breatnach (1947) for An Rinn in County Waterford, de Búrca (1958) for Tourmakeady in County Mayo, Wagner (1959) for Teelin, County Donegal, Mhac an Fhailigh (1968) for Erris in County Mayo. More recent descriptive phonology has been published by Lucas (1979) for Rosguill in northern Donegal, Hughes (1986) for Tangaveane and Commeen (also near Glenties), à Curnáin (1996) for Iorras Aithneach in Connemara (Kilkieran and vicinity) and à Sé (2000) for the Dingle Peninsula, County Kerry.
Research into the theoretical phonology of Irish began with à Siadhail & Wigger (1975), which follows the principles and practices of Chomsky and Halle's The Sound Pattern of English and which formed the basis of the phonology sections of à Siadhail (1989). Dissertations examining Irish phonology from a theoretical point of view include Nà Chiosáin (1991), Green (1997) in optimality theory, and Cyran (1997) and Bloch-Rozmej (1998) in government phonology.
Consonants edit
Most dialects of Irish contain at a minimum the consonant phonemes shown in the following chart (see International Phonetic Alphabet for an explanation of the symbols). The consonant /h/ is neither broad nor slender.
Labial | Coronal | Dorsal | Glottal | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
broad | slender | broad | slender | broad | slender | |||
Stop | voiceless | pË | pʲ | tÌªË | tʲ | k | c | |
voiced | bË | bʲ | dÌªË | dʲ | É¡ | É | ||
Fricative/ Approximant |
voiceless | fË | fʲ | sË | Ê | x | ç | h |
voiced | w | vʲ | ɣ | j | ||||
Nasal | mË | mʲ | nÌªË | nʲ | Å | ɲ | ||
Tap | É¾Ë | ɾʲ | ||||||
Lateral | lÌªË | lʲ |
On- and offglides edit
Broad (velar or velarized) consonants have a noticeable velar offglide ([É°]; a very short vowel-like sound) before front vowels, which sounds like the English /w/ but without rounding. Thus naoi /nÌªË iË/ ('nine') and caoi /kiË/ ('way, manner') are pronounced [nÌªË É°iË] and [kÉ°iË], respectively.[1][2] This velar offglide is labialized (pronounced [w]) after labial consonants, so buà /bË iË/ ('yellow') is pronounced [bË wiË].[3][4]
Similarly, slender (palatal or palatalised) consonants have a palatal offglide ([j]; like English â¨yâ©) before back vowels, e.g. tiubh /tʲuË/ ('thick') is pronounced [tʲjuË].[5]
When a broad consonant follows a front vowel, there is a very short vowel sound [É̯] (called an onglide) just before the consonant, e.g. dÃol /dʲiËlÌªË / ('sell') is pronounced [dʲiËÉ̯lÌªË ]. Similarly, when a slender consonant follows a back vowel, there is an onglide [i̯] before the consonant, e.g. áit /aËtʲ/ ('place') is pronounced [aËi̯tʲ],[6][7]óil /oËlʲ/ ('drinking' gen.) is pronounced [oËi̯lʲ],[8] meabhair /mʲÉuɾʲ/ ('understanding') is [mʲÉui̯ɾʲ],[9] and dúinn /dÌªË uËnÌ Ê²/ ('to us') is [dÌªË uËi̯nÌ Ê²].[10]
These all are also a feature of certain Slavic languages such as Russian or Polish, and a feature of Lithuanian.
Allophones edit
/w/ (written as â¨bh, mh(, v)â©) has two basic allophones: the labiovelar approximant [w] and the velarized voiced labiodental fricative [vË ]. The distribution of these allophones varies from dialect to dialect. In Munster, generally only [vË ] is found,[11] and in Ulster generally only [w] is found.[12] In Connacht, [w] is found word-initially before vowels (e.g. bhfuil [wɪlʲ] 'is') and [vË ] in other positions (e.g. naomh [nÌªË iËvË ] 'saint', fómhar [ËfË uËvË ÉÉ¾Ë ] 'autumn', and bhrostaigh [ËvË É¾Ë ÉsË tÌªË É] 'hurried'[13][14]).
The remaining labial fricatives are typically labiodental [fË , fʲ, vʲ], but they as well as the fricative allophone [vË ] of /w/ have bilabial allophones [É¸Ë , ɸʲ, Î²Ë , βʲ] in many dialects; the distribution depends partly on environment (bilabials are more likely to be found adjacent to rounded vowels) and partly on the individual speaker.[15]
Most coronals are alveolar, except broad stops and approximants which are typically dental [tÌªË , dÌªË , nÌªË , lÌªË ], and the slender fricative is typically postalveolar [Ê]. /tʲ, dʲ/ may be realized as alveolo-palatal affricates [tÉ, dÊ] in a number of dialects, including Tourmakeady,[16] Erris,[17] and Teelin.[18]
/c, É, ɲ/ may be true palatals [c, É, ɲ] or palatovelars [kÌ, É¡Ë, ÅË].[19]
/j/ has three allophones in most dialects: a palatal approximant [j] before vowels (except /iË/) and syllable-finally (e.g. dheas [jasË ] 'nice', beidh [bʲÉj] 'will be'); a voiced (post)palatal fricative [Ê] before consonants (e.g. ghrian [ÊɾʲiÉnÌªË ] 'sun'); and an intermediate sound [jË] (with more frication than [j] but less frication than [Ê]) before /iË/ (e.g. dhÃrigh [jËiËɾʲÉ] 'straightened').[20][21][22][23]
/ɾʲ/ has the primary allophone [ɹÌʲ].[24]
In many varieties, /x/ and /ç/ alternate with /h/ under a variety of circumstances. For example, as the lenition of /tʲ/ and /Ê/, /h/ is replaced by [ç] before back vowels, e.g. thabharfainn /ËçuËÉ¾Ë hÉnÌ Ê²/6 ('I would give'), sheoil /çoËlʲ/ ('drove').[25] In Munster, /ç/ becomes [h] after a vowel, e.g. fiche [ËfʲɪhÉ] ('twenty').[26] In Ring, final /h/ becomes [x] in monosyllabic words, e.g. scáth [sË kaËx] ('fear').[27] In some Ulster varieties, e.g. Tory Island, /x/ can be replaced by [h], e.g. cha [ha] ('not'), be deleted word-finally or before /tÌªË /, e.g. santach [ËsË anÌªË tÌªË a(h)] ('greedy') and seacht [ÊatÌªË ] ('seven').[28][29]
As in English, voiceless stops are aspirated (articulated with a puff of air immediately upon release) at the start of a word, while voiced stops may be incompletely voiced but are never aspirated. Voiceless stops are unaspirated after /sË / and /Ê/ (e.g. scanradh [sË kauÉ¾Ë É]1 'terror'); however, stops remain aspirated after the clitic is /sË / (e.g. is cam [sË kÊ°aum] 'it's crooked').[30] Several researchers (e.g. à CuÃv 1944, Wagner 1959, de Bhaldraithe 1966, Mhac an Fhailigh 1968, and à Sé 2000) use transcriptions like /sb sd sÉ¡ xd/, etc., indicating they consider the stops that occur after voiceless fricatives to be devoiced allophones of the voiced stops rather than unaspirated allophones of the voiceless stops, but this is a minority view.
Fortis and lenis sonorants edit
In Old Irish, the sonorants (those spelled â¨l, n, r, mâ©) were divided not only into broad and slender types, but also into fortis and lenis types. The precise phonetic definition of these terms is somewhat vague, but the coronal fortis sounds (spelled â¨l, n, râ©) were probably longer in duration and may have had a larger area of contact between the tongue and the roof of the mouth than the lenis sounds. Fortis â¨mâ© was probably a normal [m], while lenis â¨mâ© was a nasalized semivowel [wÌ], perhaps tending towards a nasalized fricative [á¹½] or [βÌ] when palatalized. By convention, the fortis coronals are transcribed with small capital letters â¨Ê, É´, Êâ© or capital letters â¨L, N, Râ©, the lenis with lower case â¨l, n, râ© (some authors, such as Stifter 2006, instead use Latin â¨l, n, r, mâ© for fortis and Greek â¨Î», ν, Ï, μ⩠for lenis). Thus Old Irish had four rhotic phonemes /RË , Rʲ, rË , rʲ/, four lateral phonemes /LË , Lʲ, lË , lʲ/, and four coronal nasal phonemes /NË , Nʲ, nË , nʲ/.[31] Fortis and lenis sonorants contrasted with each other between vowels and word-finally after vowels in Old Irish, e.g. berraid /bʲeRË É¨Ã°Ê²/ ('he shears') vs. beraid /bʲerË É¨Ã°Ê²/ ('he may carry'); coll /koLË / ('hazel') vs. col /kolË / ('sin'); sonn /sË oNË / ('stake') vs. son /sË onË / ('sound').[32] Word-initially, only the fortis sounds were found, but they became lenis in environments where morphosyntactically triggered lenition was found: rún /RË uËnË / ('mystery') vs. a rún /a rË uËnË / ('his mystery'), lón /LË oËnË / ('provision') vs. a lón /a lË oËnË / ('his provision').[33]
In the modern language, the four rhotics have been reduced to two in all dialects, /RË , Rʲ, rË / having merged as /É¾Ë /. For the laterals and nasals, some dialects have kept all four distinct, while others have reduced them to three or two distinct phonemes, as summarized in the following table.
Old Irish | Ulster | Connacht | Munster | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Rosguill[34] | Glenties[35] | Erris[36] | Connemara[37] | Aran[38] | Dingle Peninsula[39] | West Muskerry[40] | |
RË | É¾Ë | ||||||
rË | |||||||
Rʲ | |||||||
rʲ | ɾʲ | ||||||
LË | lÌªË | lÌªË | lÌªË | lÌªË | lÌªË | ||
lË | lË | l | |||||
lʲ | l | lʲ | lʲ | ||||
Lʲ | lÌ Ê² | ||||||
NË | nÌªË | nÌªË | nÌªË | nÌªË | nÌªË | ||
nË | nË | n | |||||
nʲ | n | nʲ | nʲ | nʲ | |||
Nʲ | nÌ Ê² | nʲ word-initially ɲ elsewhere | |||||
Note: lÌ Ê² and nÌ Ê² are alveolo-palatal consonants. |
As for fortis and lenis â¨mâ©, in time the lenis version (nasalized semivowel or labial fricative) came to be pronounced as a regular semivowel or fricative along with nasalization of the preceding vowel. The later loss of /w/ between vowels has resulted in phonemically nasalized vowels in some modern dialects (see below), but these are not robustly maintained in any dialect; the strong tendency is to eliminate the nasalization entirely. The original nasalized semivowel is still reflected as â¨mhâ© in the spelling, however.
Vowels edit
The vowel sounds vary from dialect to dialect, but in general Connacht and Munster at least agree in having the monophthongs /iË/, /ɪ/, /uË/, /Ê/, /eË/, /É/, /oË/, /É/, /aË/, /a/, and schwa (/É/), which is found only in unstressed syllables; and the diphthongs /Éi/, /Éu/, /iÉ/, and /uÉ/.
The vowels of Ulster Irish are more divergent and are not discussed in this article.
Vowel backness edit
The backness of vowels (that is, the horizontal position of the highest point of the tongue) depends to a great extent on the quality (broad or slender) of adjacent consonants. Some researchers (e.g. à Siadhail & Wigger 1975:80â82, à Siadhail 1989:35â37, Nà Chiosáin 1994) have argued that [ɪ] and [Ê] are actually allophones of the same phoneme, as are [É] and [É], as in a vertical vowel system. Under this view, these phonemes are not marked at an abstract level as either front vowels or back vowels. Rather, they acquire a specification for frontness or backness from the consonants around them. In this article, however, the more traditional assumption that /ɪ, Ê, É, É/ are four distinct phonemes will be followed. The descriptions of the allophones in this section come from à Sé (2000:20â24); the pronunciations therefore reflect the Munster accent of the Dingle Peninsula. Unless otherwise noted, however, they largely hold for other Munster and Connacht accents as well.
Close vowels edit
The four close vowel phonemes of Irish are the fully close /iË/ and /uË/, and the near-close /ɪ/ and /Ê/. Their exact pronunciation depends on the quality of the surrounding consonants. /iË/ is realized as a front [iË] between two slender consonants (e.g. tÃr [tʲiËrʲ] 'country'). Between a slender and a broad consonant, the tongue is retracted slightly from this position (for which the IPA symbol is [iÌ Ë]), e.g. dÃol [dʲiÌ ËlÌªË ] ('sale'), caoire [kiÌ ËɾʲÉ] ('berry' gen.). Between two broad consonants, the tongue is retracted even further, almost to the point of being a central vowel (in IPA, [ïË]): caora [kïËÉ¾Ë É] ('sheep'). /uË/ is a fully back [uË] between broad consonants (e.g. dún [dÌªË uËnÌªË ] 'fort'), but between a broad and a slender consonant, the tongue is somewhat advanced (IPA [uÌË]), e.g. triúr [tʲɾʲuÌËÉ¾Ë ] ('three people'), súil [sË uÌËlʲ] ('eye'). Between two slender consonants, it is advanced even further, to a centralized vowel (IPA [üË]): ciúin [cüËnʲ] ('quiet').
The near-close vowels /ɪ/ and /Ê/ show a similar pattern. /ɪ/ is realized between slender consonants as a front [iÌ], e.g. tigh [tʲiÌÉ] ('house' dat.). After a slender consonant and before a broad one, it is a near-front [ɪ], e.g. giota [ËÉɪtÌªË É] ('piece'). After a broad consonant and before a slender one, it is a more retracted [ɪÌ], e.g. tuigeann [ËtÌªË ÉªÌÉÉnÌªË ] ('understands'). Finally, between two broad consonants it is a central [ɨÌ], e.g. goirt [ɡɨÌÉ¾Ë tʲ]2 ('salty'). /Ê/ is a near-back [Ê] when all adjacent consonants are broad, e.g. dubh [dÌªË ÊvË ] ('black'), and a more centralized [ÊÌ] after a slender consonant, e.g. giobal [ËÉÊÌbË ÉlÌªË ] ('rag').
Mid vowels edit
The realization of the long close-mid vowels /eË/ and /oË/ varies according to the quality of the surrounding consonants. /eË/ is a front [eË] between two slender consonants (e.g. béic [bʲeËc] 'yell'), a centralized [ëË] between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. glaoigh [É¡lÌªË Ã«ËÉ] 'call'), and a more open centralized [ÉÌÌË] between two broad consonants (e.g. baol [bË ÉÌÌËlÌªË ] 'danger'). /oË/ ranges from a back [oË] between two broad consonants (e.g. fód [fË oËdÌªË ] 'turf') to an advanced [oÌË] between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. fóid [fË oÌËdʲ] 'turf' [gen.]) to a centralized [öË] between two slender consonants (e.g. ceoil [cöËlʲ] 'music' [gen.]).
The short open-mid vowels also vary depending on their environment. Short /É/ ranges from a front [ÉÌ] between slender consonants (e.g. beidh [bʲÉÌÉ] 'will be') to a retracted [ÉÌÌ] between a broad and a slender consonant (e.g. bead [bʲÉÌÌdÌªË ] 'I will be', raibh [É¾Ë ÉÌÌvʲ] 'was') to a central [ÉÌ] when the only adjacent consonant is broad (e.g. croich [kÉ¾Ë ÉÌ] 'cross' [dat.]). Short /É/ between two broad consonants is usually a back [ÉÌ], e.g. cloch [klÌªË ÉÌx] ('stone'), but it is a centralized [ö] adjacent to nasal consonants and labial consonants, e.g. ansan [ÉnÌªË ËsË Ã¶nÌªË ] ('there') and bog [bË Ã¶É¡] ('soft'). Between a broad and a slender consonant, it is a more open [ÉÌÌ]: scoil [skÉÌÌlʲ] ('school'), deoch [dʲÉÌÌx] ('drink').
Schwa edit
Unstressed /É/ is realized as a near-close, near-front [ɪ] when adjacent to a palatal consonant, e.g. pÃce [ËpʲiËcɪ] ('pike'). Next to other slender consonants, it is a mid-centralized [ɪ̽], e.g. sáile [ËsË aËlʲɪ̽] ('salt water'). Adjacent to broad consonants, it is usually a mid central [É], e.g. eolas [ËoËlÌªË ÉsË ] ('information'), but when the preceding syllable contains one of the close back vowels /uË, Ê/, it is realized as a mid-centralized back [Ê̽], e.g. dúnadh [ËdÌªË uËnÌªË Ê̽] ('closing'), muca [ËmË ÊkÊ̽] ('pigs').
Open vowels edit
The realization of the open vowels varies according to the quality of the surrounding consonants; there is a significant difference between Munster dialects and Connacht dialects as well. In Munster, long /aË/ and short /a/ have approximately the same range of realization: both vowels are relatively back in contact with broad consonants and relatively front in contact with slender consonants. Specifically, long /aË/ in word-initial position and after broad consonants is a back [ÉË], e.g. áit [ÉËtʲ] ('place'), trá [tÌªË É¾Ë ÉË] ('beach'). Between a slender and a broad consonant, it is a retracted front [aÌ Ë], e.g. gearrfaidh [ËÉaÌ ËÉ¾Ë hÉÉ] ('will cut'), while between two slender consonants it is a fully front [aË], e.g. a Sheáin [É Ã§aËnʲ] ('John' voc.). In Dingle, the back allophone is rounded to [ÉË] after broad labials, e.g. bán [bË ÉËnÌªË ] ('white'), while in Ring, County Waterford, rounded [ÉË] is the usual realization of /aË/ in all contexts except between slender consonants, where it is a centralized [ÉÌË].[44] Short /a/ between two slender consonants is a front [a], as in gairid [ÉaɾʲÉdʲ]3 ('short'). Between a broad and a slender consonant, it is in most cases a retracted [aÌ ], e.g. fear [fʲaÌ É¾Ë ] ('man'), and caite [ËkaÌ tʲÉ] ('worn'), but after broad labials and /lÌªË / it is a centralized front [ä], e.g. baile [bË Ã¤lʲÉ] ('town'), loit [lÌªË Ã¤tʲ]4 ('injure'). When it is adjacent only to broad consonants, it is a centralized back [ÉÌ], e.g. mac [mË ÉÌk] ('son'), abair [ÉÌbË Éɾʲ] ('say').
In Connacht varieties,[45][46][47] the allophones of short /a/ are consistently further front than the allophones of long /aË/. In Erris, for example, short /a/ ranges from a near-open front vowel [æ] before slender consonants (e.g. sail [sË Ã¦lʲ] 'earwax') to an open [a] after slender consonants (e.g. geal [ÉalË ] 'bright') to a centralized back [ÉÌ] between broad consonants (e.g. capall [ËkÉÌpË ÉlÌªË ] 'horse'). Long /aË/, on the other hand, ranges from a back [ÉË] between broad consonants (e.g. bád [bË ÉËdÌªË ] 'boat') to an advanced back [ÉÌË] before slender consonants (e.g. fáil [fË ÉÌËlʲ] 'to get') to a centralized back [ÉÌË] after slender consonants (e.g. breá [bʲɾʲÉÌË] 'fine'). In Toormakeady,[48] the back allophone is rounded to [ÉË] after broad labials, e.g. bán [bË ÉËnÌªË ] ('white'). In Connemara, the allophones of /a/ are lengthened in duration, so that only vowel quality distinguishes the allophones of /a/ from those of /aË/.[49]
Diphthongs edit
The starting point of /Éi/ ranges from a near-open central [É] after broad consonants to an open-mid centralized front [ÉÌ] after slender consonants, and its end point ranges from a near-close near-front [ɪ] before slender consonants to a centralized [ɪÌ] before broad consonants.[50] Examples include cladhaire [klÌªË ÉɪɾʲÉ] ('rogue'), gadhar [É¡ÉɪÌÉ¾Ë ] ('dog'), cill [cÉÌɪlʲ] ('church'), and leigheas [lʲÉÌɪÌsË ] ('cure').
The starting point of /Éu/ ranges from a near-open central [É] after broad consonants to an open-mid advanced central [ÉÌ] after slender consonants, and its end point ranges from a near-close near-back [Ê] before broad consonants to a centralized [ÊÌ] before slender consonants.[51] Examples include bodhar [bË ÉÊÉ¾Ë ] ('deaf'), feabhas [fʲÉÌÊsË ] ('improvement'), labhairt [lÌªË ÉÊÌɾʲtʲ] ('speak'), and meabhair [mʲÉÌÊÌɾʲ] ('memory'). In West Muskerry and the Dingle Peninsula, however, the starting point of /Éu/ is rounded and further back after broad consonants,[52][53] e.g. gabhar [É¡ÉÊÉ¾Ë ] ('goat').
The starting point of /iÉ/ ranges from a close front [i] after slender consonants to a retracted [iÌ ] after word-initial broad /É¾Ë / (the only context in which it appears after a broad consonant). Its end point ranges from a mid central [É] before broad consonants to a close-mid centralized front [ë] before slender consonants.[54] Examples include ciall [ciÉlÌªË ] ('sense'), riamh [É¾Ë iÌ ÉvË ] ('ever'), and diabhail [dʲiëlʲ] ('devils').
The starting point of /uÉ/ is consistently a close back [u] while the end point ranges from [É] to [ɪ̽]:[55] thuas [huÉsË ] ('above'), uan [uÉnÌªË ] ('lamb'), buail [bË uɪ̽lʲ] ('strike').
Nasalized vowels edit
In general, vowels in Irish are nasalized when adjacent to nasal consonants. For some speakers, there are reported to be minimal pairs between nasal vowels and oral vowels, indicating that nasal vowels are also separate phonemes; these generally result from an earlier nasalized semivowel [wÌ] (historically the lenited version of /m/), that has since been lost. However, the contrast is not robust in any dialect; most published descriptions say that contrastively nasal vowels are present in the speech of only some (usually older) speakers. Potential minimal pairs include those shown in the table below.[56][57][58][59]
Nasal vowel | Oral vowel | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Spelling | Pronunciation | Gloss | Spelling | Pronunciation | Gloss |
amhras | [ËÉÌÅ©É¾Ë ÉsË ] | 'doubt' | abhras | [ËÉuÉ¾Ë ÉsË ] | 'yarn' |
áth | [ãË] | 'ford' | ádh | [aË] | 'luck' |
comhair | [kõËɾʲ] | (in phrase os comhair 'in front of, opposite') |
cóir | [koËɾʲ] | 'righteous' |
cumha | [kÅ©Ë] | 'sorrow' | cú | [kuË] | 'hound' |
deimhis | [dʲĩËÊ] | 'pairs of shears' | dÃs | [dʲiËÊ] | 'two people' |
fómhair | [fË ÃµËɾʲ] | 'autumn' (genitive) | fóir | [fË oËɾʲ] | 'limit' |
lámha | [lÌªË Ã£Ë] | 'hands' | lá | [lÌªË aË] | 'day' |
lámhach | [lÌªË Ã£Ëx] | 'shooting' | lách | [lÌªË aËx] | 'generous' |
nimhe | [nʲĩË] | 'poison' (genitive) | nà | [nʲiË] | 'washing' |
rámha | [É¾Ë Ã£Ë] | 'oar' (genitive) | rá | [É¾Ë aË] | 'saying' |
In addition, where a vowel is nasalized because it is adjacent to a nasal consonant, it often retains its nasalization in related forms where the consonant is no longer nasal. For example, the nasal /m/ of máthair [ËmãËhÉɾʲ] ('mother') is replaced by nonnasal /w/ in the phrase a mháthair [É ËwãËhÉɾʲ] ('his mother'), but the vowel remains nasalized.[60] Similarly, in sneachta [ËÊnʲãxtÌªË É] ('snow') the vowel after the /nʲ/ is nasalized, while in an tsneachta [É ËtʲɾʲãxtÌªË É] ('the snow' gen.), the /nʲ/ is replaced by /ɾʲ/ in some northern dialects, but the nasalized vowel remains.[61]
Phonotactics edit
The most notable aspects of Irish phonotactics revolve around the behaviour of consonant clusters. Here it is important to distinguish between clusters that occur at the beginnings of words and those that occur after vowels, although there is overlap between the two groups.
Word-initial consonant clusters edit
Irish words can begin with clusters of two or three consonants. In general, all the consonants in a cluster agree in their quality, i.e. either all are broad or all are slender. Two-consonant clusters consist of an obstruent consonant followed by a liquid or nasal consonant (however, labial obstruents may not be followed by a nasal); examples (from Nà Chiosáin 1999) include bleán /bʲlʲaËnË / ('milking'), breá /bʲɾʲaË/ ('fine'), cnaipe /ËknÌªË apʲÉ/ ('button'), dlà /dʲlʲiË/ ('law'), gnáth /É¡nÌªË aË/ ('usual'), pleidhce /ËpʲlʲÉicÉ/ ('idiot'), slios /ÊlʲɪsË / ('slice'), sneachta /ËÊnʲaxtÌªË É/ ('snow'), tlúth /tÌªË lÌªË uË/ ('poker'), and tnúth /tÌªË nÌªË uË/ ('long for'). In addition, /sË / and /Ê/ may be followed by a voiceless stop, as in sparán /ËsË pË aÉ¾Ë aËnÌªË / ('purse') and scéal /ÊceËlÌªË / ('story'). Further, the cluster /mË nÌªË / occurs in the word mná /mË nÌªË aË/ ('women') and a few forms related to it. Three-consonant clusters consist of /sË / or /Ê/ plus a voiceless stop plus a liquid. Examples include scliúchas /ËÊclʲuËxÉsË / ('rumpus'), scread /ÊcɾʲadÌªË / ('scream'), splanc /sË pË lÌªË aÅk/ ('flash'), spraoi /sË pË É¾Ë iË/ ('fun'), and strÃoc /ÊtʲɾʲiËk/ ('streak').
One exception to quality agreement is that broad /sË / is found before slender labials (and for some speakers in Connemara and Dingle before /c/ as well[62][63]). Examples include: sméara /sË mʲeËÉ¾Ë É/ ('berries'), speal /sË pʲal/ ('scythe'), spleách /sË pʲlʲaËx/ ('dependent'), spreag /sË pʲɾʲaÉ¡/ ('inspire'), and scéal /ÊceËlÌªË / ~ /sË ceËlÌªË / ('story').
In the environment of an initial consonant mutation, there is a much wider range of possible onset clusters;[64][65] for example, in a lenition environment the following occur: bhlas /wlÌªË asË / ('tasted'), bhris /vʲɾʲɪÊ/ ('broke'), chleacht /çlʲaxtÌªË / ('practiced'), chrom /xÉ¾Ë ÉmË / ('bent'), ghreamaigh /ËjɾʲamË É/ ('stuck'), ghnÃomhaigh /ËjnʲiËwÉ/ ('acted'), shleamhnaigh /hlʲÉunÌªË É/ ('slipped'), shnámh /hnÌªË aËw/ ('swam'), shroich /hÉ¾Ë ÉªÃ§/ ('reached'). In an eclipsis environment, the following are found: mbláth /mË lÌªË aË/ ('flower'), mbliana /ËmʲlʲiÉnÌªË É/ ('years'), mbrisfeá /ËmʲɾʲɪÊaË/ ('you would break'), ndlúth /nÌªË lÌªË uË/ ('warp'), ndroichead /ËnÌªË É¾Ë ÉhÉdÌªË / ('bridge'), ndréimire /ËnʲɾʲeËmʲÉɾʲÉ/ ('ladder'), ngléasfá /ËɲlʲeËsË aË/ ('you would dress'), ngreadfá /ËɲɾʲatÌªË aË/ ('you would leave'), ngnÃomhófá /ËɲnʲiËwoËhaË/ ('you would act').
In Donegal, Mayo, and Connemara dialects (but not usually on the Aran Islands), the coronal nasals /nË , nʲ/ can follow only /sË , Ê/ respectively in a word-initial cluster. After other consonants, they are replaced by /É¾Ë , ɾʲ/:[66][67] cnoc /kÉ¾Ë Êk/ ('hill'), mná /mË É¾Ë aË/ ('women'), gnaoi /É¡É¾Ë iË/ ('liking'), tnúth /tÌªË É¾Ë uË/ ('long for').
Under lenition, /sË nÌªË , Ênʲ/ become /hnÌªË , hnʲ/ as expected in these dialects, but after the definite article an they become /tÌªË É¾Ë , tʲɾʲ/: sneachta /ÊnʲaxtÌªË É/ ('snow'), shneachta /hnʲaxtÌªË É/ ('snow' [lenited form]), an tsneachta /É tʲɾʲaxtÌªË É/ ('the snow' gen.).
Post-vocalic consonant clusters and epenthesis edit
Like word-initial consonant clusters, post-vocalic consonant clusters usually agree in broad or slender quality. The only exception here is that broad /É¾Ë /, not slender /ɾʲ/, appears before the slender coronals /tʲ, dʲ, Ê, nʲ, lʲ/:[68] beirt /bʲÉÉ¾Ë tʲ/ ('two people'), ceird /ceËÉ¾Ë dʲ/ ('trade'), doirse /ËdÌªË oËÉ¾Ë ÊÉ/ ('doors'), doirnÃn /dÌªË uËÉ¾Ë ËnʲiËnʲ/ ('handle'), comhairle /ËkuËÉ¾Ë lʲÉ/ ('advice').
A cluster of /É¾Ë , ɾʲ/, /lÌªË , lʲ/, or /nÌªË , nʲ/ followed by a labial or dorsal consonant (except the voiceless stops /pË , pʲ/, /k, c/) is broken up by an epenthetic vowel /É/:[69] borb /ËbË ÉÉ¾Ë ÉbË / ('abrupt'), gorm /ËÉ¡ÉÉ¾Ë ÉmË / ('blue'), dearmad /ËdʲaÉ¾Ë ÉmË ÉdÌªË / ('mistake'), dearfa /ËdʲaÉ¾Ë ÉfË É/ ('certain'), seirbhÃs /ËÊÉɾʲÉvʲiËÊ/ ('service'), fearg /ËfʲaÉ¾Ë ÉÉ¡/ ('anger'), dorcha /ËdÌªË ÉÉ¾Ë ÉxÉ/ ('dark'), dalba /ËdÌªË alÌªË ÉbË É/ ('bold'), colm /ËkÉlÌªË ÉmË / ('dove'), soilbhir /ËsË ÉªlʲÉvʲÉɾʲ/ ('pleasant'), gealbhan /ËÉalÌªË ÉwÉnÌªË / ('sparrow'), binb /ËbʲɪnʲÉbʲ/ ('venom'), Banbha, /ËbË anÌªË ÉwÉ/ (a name for Ireland), ainm /ËanʲÉmʲ/ ('name'), meanma /ËmʲanÌªË ÉmË É/ ('mind'), ainmhà /ËanʲÉvʲiË/ ('animal').
There is no epenthesis, however, if the vowel preceding the cluster is long or a diphthong: fáirbre /ËfË aËɾʲbʲɾʲÉ/ ('wrinkle'), téarma /ËtʲeËÉ¾Ë mË É/ ('term'), léargas /ËlʲeËÉ¾Ë É¡ÉsË / ('insight'), dualgas /ËdÌªË uÉlÌªË É¡ÉsË / ('duty'). There is also no epenthesis into words that are at least three syllables long: firmimint /ËfʲɪɾʲmʲÉmʲÉnʲtʲ/ ('firmament'), smiolgadán /ËsË mʲÉlÌªË É¡ÉdÌªË aËnÌªË / ('throat'), caisearbhán /ËkaÊÉÉ¾Ë waËnÌªË / ('dandelion'), CairmilÃteach /ËkaɾʲmʲÉlʲiËtʲÉx/ ('Carmelite').
Phonological processes edit
Vowel-initial words edit
Vowel-initial words in Irish exhibit behaviour that has led linguists to suggest that the vowel sound they begin with on the surface is not actually the first sound in the word at a more abstract level. Specifically, when a clitic ending in a consonant precedes a word beginning with the vowel, the consonant of the clitic surfaces as either broad or slender, depending on the specific word in question. For example, the â¨nâ© of the definite article an ('the') is slender before the word iontais ('wonder') but broad before the word aois ('age'):[70]an iontais /Énʲ ËiËnÌªË tÌªË ÉÊ/ ('the wonder' gen.) vs. an aois /ÉnÌªË Â ËiËÊ/ ('the age').
One analysis of these facts[71] is that vowel-initial words actually begin, at an abstract level of representation, with a kind of "empty" consonant that consists of nothing except the information "broad" or "slender". Another analysis is that vowel-initial words, again at an abstract level, all begin with one of two semivowels, one triggering palatalization and the other triggering velarization of a preceding consonant.[72][73]
Lengthening before fortis sonorants edit
Where reflexes of the Old Irish fortis sonorants appear in syllable-final position (in some cases, only in word-final position), they trigger a lengthening or diphthongization of the preceding vowel in most dialects of Irish.[74][75][76][77] The details vary from dialect to dialect.
In Donegal and Mayo, lengthening is found only before â¨rd, rl, rnâ©, before â¨rrâ© (except when a vowel follows), and in a few words also before word-final â¨llâ©,[78][79][80][81] e.g. barr /bË aËÉ¾Ë / ('top'), ard /aËÉ¾Ë dÌªË / ('tall'), orlach /ËoËÉ¾Ë lÌªË ax/ ('inch'), tuirne /Ët̪uËÉ¾Ë nÌ Ê²É/ ('spinning wheel'), thall /haËlÌªË / ('yonder').
In Connemara,[82] the Aran Islands,[83] and Munster,[84][85] lengthening is found generally not only in the environments listed above, but also before â¨nnâ© (unless a vowel follows) and before word-final â¨m, ngâ©. For example, the word poll ('hole') is pronounced /pË ÉulÌªË / in all of these regions, while greim ('grip') is pronounced /ÉɾʲiËmʲ/ in Connemara and Aran and /ÉɾʲÉimʲ/ in Munster.
Because vowels behave differently before broad sonorants than before slender ones in many cases, and because there is generally no lengthening (except by analogy) when the sonorants are followed by a vowel, there is a variety of vowel alternations between different related word-forms. For example, in Dingle[86] ceann ('head') is pronounced /cÉunÌªË / with a diphthong, but cinn (the genitive singular of the same word) is pronounced /ciËnʲ/ with a long vowel, while ceanna (the plural, meaning 'heads') is pronounced /ËcanÌªË É/ with a short vowel.
This lengthening has received a number of different explanations within the context of theoretical phonology. All accounts agree that some property of the fortis sonorant is being transferred to the preceding vowel, but the details about what property that is vary from researcher to researcher. à Siadhail & Wigger (1975:89â90)[87] argue that the fortis sonorant is tense (a term only vaguely defined phonetically) and that this tenseness is transferred to the vowel, where it is realized phonetically as vowel length and/or diphthongization. Nà Chiosáin (1991:188â95) argues that the triggering consonant is underlyingly associated with a unit of syllable weight called a mora; this mora then shifts to the vowel, creating a long vowel or a diphthong. Carnie (2002) expands on that analysis to argue that the fortis sonorants have an advanced tongue root (that is, the bottom of the tongue is pushed upward during articulation of the consonant) and that diphthongization is an articulatory effect of this tongue movement.
Devoicing edit
Where a voiced obstruent or /w/ comes into contact with /h/, the /h/ is absorbed into the other sound, which then becomes voiceless (in the case of /w/, devoicing is to /fË /). Devoicing is found most prominently in the future of first conjugation verbs (where /h/ is spelled â¨fâ©) and in the formation of verbal adjectives (where /h/ is spelled â¨thâ©). For example, the verb scuab /sË kuÉbË / ('sweep') ends in the voiced consonant /bË /, but its future tense scuabfaidh /ËsË kuÉpË ÉÉ/ ('will sweep') and verbal adjective scuabtha /ËsË kuÉpË É/ ('swept') have the voiceless consonant /pË /.[88]
Sandhi edit
Irish exhibits a number of external sandhi effects, i.e. phonological changes across word boundaries, particularly in rapid speech. The most common type of sandhi in Irish is assimilation, which means that a sound changes its pronunciation in order to become more similar to an adjacent sound. One type of assimilation in Irish is found when a coronal consonant (â¨d, l, n, r, s, tâ©) changes from being broad to being slender before a word that begins with a slender coronal consonant and vice versa. For example, feall /fʲalÌªË / ('deceive') ends with a broad â¨llâ©, but in the phrase d'fheall sé orm [dʲalÌ Ê² ÊÉ ÉÉ¾Ë ÉmË ] ('it deceived me'), the â¨llâ© has become slender because the following word, sé, starts with a slender coronal consonant.[89]
â¨n(n)â© may also assimilate to the place of articulation of a following consonant, becoming labial before a labial consonant, palatal before a palatal consonant, and velar before a velar consonant.[90] For example, â¨nnâ© of ceann /canÌªË / ('one') becomes [mË ] in ceann bacach [camË ËbË akÉx] ('a lame one') and [Å] in ceann carrach [caÅ ËkaÉ¾Ë Éx] ('a scabbed one'). A voiced consonant at the end of a word may devoice when the next word begins with a voiceless consonant,[91] as in lúb sé [lÌªË uËpË ÊeË] ('he bent'), where /bË / of lúb /lÌªË uËbË / ('bent') became [pË ] before the voiceless /Ê/ of sé.
Stress edit
General facts of stress placement edit
In Irish, words normally have only one stressed syllable (Ëâ), namely the first syllable of the word, e.g. d'imigh /ËdʲɪmʲiË/ ('left' [verb]) and easonóir /ËasË ÉnÌªË oËɾʲ/ ('dishonor').[92] However, certain words, especially adverbs and loanwords, have stress on a noninitial syllable, e.g. amháin /ÉËwaËnʲ/ ('only'), tobac /tÉËbak/ ('tobacco').
In most compound words, primary stress falls on the first member and a secondary stress (Ëâ) falls on the second member, e.g. lagphortach /ËlÌªË aÉ¡ËfË ÉÉ¾Ë tÌªË Éx/ ('spent bog'). Some compounds, however, have primary stress on both the first and the second member, e.g. deargbhréag /ËdʲaÉ¾Ë ÉÉ¡ËvʲɾʲeËÉ¡/ ('a terrible lie').[It still contains secondary stress on the second member.]
In Munster, stress is attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the second or third syllable of a word, e.g. cailÃn /kaËlʲiËnʲ/ ('girl'), achainà /axÉËnʲiË/ ('request').[93] In the now-extinct accent of East Mayo, stress was attracted to a long vowel or diphthong in the same way as in Munster; in addition, stress was attracted to a short vowel before word-final â¨ll, m, nnâ© when that word was also final in its utterance.[94][95][96] For example, capall ('horse') was pronounced [kaËpË ÉlÌªË ] in isolation or as the last word of a sentence, but as [ËkapË ÉlÌªË ] in the middle of a sentence.
In Munster, stress is attracted to /a/ in the second syllable of a word if it is followed by /x/, provided the first syllable (and third syllable, if there is one) contains a short vowel. Examples include bacach /bË ÉËkax/ ('lame') and slisneacha /ÊlʲÉËÊnʲaxÉ/ ('chips'). However, if the first or third syllable contains a long vowel or diphthong, stress is attracted to that syllable instead, and the /a/ before /x/ is reduced to /É/ as normal, e.g. éisteacht /ËeËÊtʲÉxtÌªË / ('listen'), moltachán /ËmË ÉlÌªË hÉËxaËnÌªË /5 ('wether').[97]
The nature of unstressed vowels edit
In general, short vowels are all reduced to schwa (/É/) in unstressed syllables, but there are exceptions. In Munster, if the third syllable of a word is stressed and the preceding two syllables are short, the first of the two unstressed syllables is not reduced to /É/; instead it receives a secondary stress, e.g. spealadóir /ËsË pʲalÌªË ÉËdÌªË oËɾʲ/ ('scythe-man').[98] Also in Munster, an unstressed short vowel is not reduced to /É/ if the following syllable contains a stressed /iË/ or /uË/, e.g. ealaà /aËlÌªË iË/ ('art'), bailiú /bË aËlʲuË/ ('gather').[99] In Ulster, long vowels in unstressed syllables are shortened but are not reduced to /É/, e.g. cailÃn /Ëkalʲinʲ/ ('girl'), galún /ËÉ¡alË unË / ('gallon').[100][101] In Ulster, unstressed /a/ before /x/ is not reduced to schwa, e.g. eallach /ËalÌªË ax/ ('cattle').[102]
Samples edit
The following table shows some sample sentences from the Aran dialect.[103]
IPA | Spelling | Translation |
---|---|---|
vʲiË ÊeË ÉÉ ËafË ÉÉ¾Ë k ÉËmË ax asË É ËwɪnÌ Ê²oËÉ¡ nuÉɾʲ É vʲiË ËmʲɪÊÉ É¡Él haÉ¾Ë tÌªË | Bhà sé ag amharc7 amach as an bhfuinneog nuair a bhà mise ag dul thart. | He was looking out the window when I went past. |
nÌ Ê²iË ËÉcÉtʲ ÊeË pË ÉulÌªË hɾʲiË ËdʲɾʲeËmÊ²É¾Ê²É | Nà fheicfeadh sé poll thrà dréimire. | He wouldn't see a hole through a ladder (i.e. he's very near-sighted). |
tÌªË aË mʲeË fʲlÉx hɾʲiËdʲ ÉsË hɾʲiËdʲ | Tá mé fliuch thrÃd is thrÃd. | I am wet through and through. |
hÊÉ¡ ÊeË klÉx woËɾ ËaÉ¡ÉsË xa ÊeË lÉÊ É ËwɪnÌ Ê²oËÉ¡ iË | Thug sé cloch mhór agus chaith sé leis an bhfuinneog Ã. | He took a large stone and he threw it against the window. |
ËhaËnÉÉ ÊeË ÉÊËtʲax aÉ¡ÉsË kuËx Éɾʲ | Tháinig sé isteach agus cuthach air. | He came in in a rage. |
âÉÉ¾Ë iËk Êɪbʲ ËmË oËÉ¾Ë aËn Éɾʲ É mË uËn âÉ¡É ËdʲɪvʲÉn dʲiËk sË É ËlÌªË ÉiÉdÌªË É wɪl aËnÌªË jɪ |
âAr Ãoc sibh8 mórán ar an móin? âGo deimhin d'Ãoc is a laghad a bhfuil ann dhi. |
âDid you pay much for the turf? âWe certainly did, considering how little there is of it. |
ËtʲaÉ¡Émʲ aËnÌªË xɪlÉ lÌªË aË sË ÉsË ËmʲɪnÉc nÌªË ax mʲiÉnÌªË ËmË oËÉ¾Ë aËn ËfË aËlÌ Ê²tÊ²É É¾Ë uËmË | Tagaim9 ann chuile lá is is minic nach mbÃonn mórán fáilte romham. | I come there every day but often I'm not very welcome. |
tÌªË aË mʲeË ËklɪÊtʲaËl É É¡Él haÉ¾Ë ÉmË É¡É mʲÉi ËsË avË É¾Ë É fʲlÉx sË É ËmʲliÉnÉ aÉ¡ÉnÌ Ê² aÉ¡ÉsË ËçiËtÌªË ÉÉ¾Ë É£ÉmË pʲeËn É¡ÉÉ¾Ë ËaÊtʲÉx É ÊceËl eË Êɪn | Tá mé ag cloisteáil ag dul tharam go mbeidh samhradh fliuch sa mbliana againn, agus chÃtear10 dhom féin11 gur aisteach an scéal é sin. | I have heard tell that we'll have a wet summer this year, but it seems to me that that story is strange. |
wɪl nÉ ËfË atÌªË iË xoË mË asË dÌªË uËɾʲtʲ ÊeË | An bhfuil na fataà chomh maith is dúirt sé? | Are the potatoes as good as he said? |
É ËÉ£eËlÉÉ ËlÌªË ÉuÉ¾Ë iËÉ¾Ë É ËÉ¡uËÉÉ mË uËn nÌ Ê²iË ËhÉnÉnÌªË iË sË É ËÉ£eËlÉÉ ËÊaÉ¡ÉnÌ Ê²É | An Ghaeilge a labhraÃtear12 i gCúige Mumhan, nà hionann à is an Ghaeilge seo againne. | The Irish spoken in Munster isn't the same as our Irish. |
The first eight chapters of Peadar Ua Laoghaire's autobiography Mo Sgéal Féin at Wikisource include recordings of the text being read by a native speaker of Muskerry (Munster) Irish.
Comparison with other languages edit
Scottish Gaelic and Manx edit
Many of the phonological processes found in Irish are found also in its nearest relatives, Scottish Gaelic and Manx. For example, both languages contrast "broad" and "slender" consonants, but only at the coronal and dorsal places of articulation; both Scottish Gaelic and Manx have lost the distinction in labial consonants. The change of /knÌªË É¡nÌªË mnÌªË / etc. to /kÉ¾Ë É¡É¾Ë mÉ¾Ë / etc. is found in Manx and most dialects of Scottish Gaelic. Evidence from written manuscripts suggests it had begun in Scottish Gaelic as early as the 16th century and was well established in both Scottish Gaelic and Manx by the late 17th to early 18th century.[104] Lengthening or diphthongization of vowels before fortis sonorants is also found in both languages.[105] The stress pattern of Scottish Gaelic is the same as that in Connacht and Ulster Irish, while in Manx, stress is attracted to long vowels and diphthongs in noninitial syllables, but under more restricted conditions than in Munster.[106][107]
Manx and many dialects of Scottish Gaelic share with Ulster Irish the property of not reducing unstressed /a/ to /É/ before /x/.[108]
Hiberno-English edit
Irish pronunciation has had a significant influence on the features of Hiberno-English.[109] For example, most of the vowels of Hiberno-English (with the exception of /Éɪ/) correspond to vowel phones of Irish. The Irish stops [tÌªË dÌªË ] are common realizations of the English phonemes /θ ð/. Hiberno-English also allows /h/ where it is permitted in Irish but excluded in other dialects of English, such as before an unstressed vowel (e.g. Haughey /ËhÉhi/) and at the end of a word (e.g. McGrath /mÉËɡɹæh/). There is epenthesis in words like film [ËfɪlÉm] and form [ËfÉËɹÉm].
See also edit
- An Caighdeán Oifigiúil â "The Official Standard", for writing Irish
Notes edit
- ^1 Scanradh is pronounced as if spelled *â¨scamhradhâ©; see Irish orthography
- ^2 Goirt is pronounced as if spelled â¨guirtâ©
- ^3 Gairid is pronounced as if spelled â¨geairidâ©
- ^4 Loit is pronounced as if spelled â¨laitâ©
- ^5 Moltachán is pronounced as if spelled *â¨molthachánâ©
- ^6 Thabharfainn is pronounced as if spelled *â¨thiúrfainnâ©
- ^7 Amharc is pronounced as if spelled â¨afarcâ©
- ^8 Sibh is pronounced as if spelled â¨sibâ©
- ^9 Tagaim is pronounced as if spelled â¨teagaimâ©
- ^10 ChÃtear is pronounced as if spelled â¨chÃotarâ©
- ^11 Féin is pronounced as if spelled â¨péinâ©
- ^12 LabhraÃtear is pronounced as if spelled *â¨labhraÃthearâ©
Footnotes edit
- ^ Sjoestedt 1931:19
- ^ Sutton 1993
- ^ Sutton 1993
- ^ Quiggin 1906:76
- ^ à Sé 2000:11
- ^ à Sé 2000:11
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:43
- ^ de Búrca 1958:59
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968:46
- ^ Sommerfelt 1922:150
- ^ Sjoestedt 1931:28â29
- ^ Quiggin 1906:74â76
- ^ Finck 1899:64â67
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:30â31
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:31â32
- ^ de Búrca 1958:24â25
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968:36â37
- ^ Wagner 1959:9â10
- ^ à Sé 2000:14â15, 18
- ^ Breatnach 1947:39â40
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:42â43
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:34
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968:34â35
- ^ à Sé 2000:19
- ^ de Búrca 1958:129â30
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:117â18
- ^ Breatnach 1947:137
- ^ Hamilton 1974:152
- ^ Ã Searcaigh 1925:136
- ^ Breatnach 1947:33, 76
- ^ McCone 1994:90
- ^ Quin 1975:4â5
- ^ Quin 1975:8
- ^ Lucas 1979
- ^ Quiggin 1906
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966
- ^ Finck 1899
- ^ à Sé 2000
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944
- ^ de Búrca 1958:7
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:13
- ^ NÃ Chasaide 1999
- ^ Breatnach 1947:12â13
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:12â14
- ^ de Búrca 1958:13â14
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968:13â16
- ^ de Búrca 1958:13
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:12â13
- ^ Breatnach 1947:23â24
- ^ Breatnach 1947:24â25.
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:29
- ^ à Sé 2000:24
- ^ à Sé 2000:24
- ^ à Sé 2000:25
- ^ Quiggin 1906:65
- ^ Sjoestedt 1931:68
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:54
- ^ à Sé 2000:25
- ^ Quiggin 1906:65
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:46
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:106
- ^ à Sé 2000:31
- ^ Nà Chiosáin 1999
- ^ à Sé 2000:33
- ^ Ã Siadhail & Wigger 1975:116â17
- ^ Ã Siadhail 1989:95
- ^ à Sé 2000:34â36
- ^ Nà Chiosáin 1999
- ^ Nà Chiosáin 1991:80â82
- ^ Nà Chiosáin 1991:83
- ^ Ã Siadhail & Wigger 1975:98â99
- ^ Ã Siadhail 1989:64â65
- ^ O'Rahilly 1932:49â52
- ^ Ã Siadhail & Wigger 1975:89â94
- ^ Ã Siadhail 1989:49â50
- ^ Carnie 2002
- ^ de Búrca 1958:132â34
- ^ Mhac an Fhailigh 1968:163â64
- ^ Evans 1969:127
- ^ Ã Baoill 1996:16
- ^ de Bhaldraithe 1966:109â12
- ^ Finck 1899
- ^ Breatnach 1947:142â44
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:121â23
- ^ à Sé 2000:40â42
- ^ also repeated in à Siadhail 1989:48â50
- ^ Breatnach 1947:137â38
- ^ Quiggin 1906:146â50
- ^ de Búrca 1958:65â68
- ^ Finck 1899:123â24
- ^ de Búrca 1958:74â75
- ^ à Sé 2000:46â47
- ^ Lavin 1957
- ^ Dillon 1973
- ^ Green 1997:86â90
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:66
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:67
- ^ Ã CuÃv 1944:105
- ^ Ã Dochartaigh 1987:19 ff.
- ^ Hughes 1994:626â27
- ^ Quiggin 1906:9
- ^ Finck 1899:II.1â2
- ^ O'Rahilly 1932:22â23
- ^ O'Rahilly 1932:49â52
- ^ O'Rahilly 1932:113â115
- ^ Green 1997:90â93
- ^ O'Rahilly 1932:110â12
- ^ Wells 1982:417â50
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External links edit
- Studies in Irish Phonology
- Caint Ros Muc, a collection of sound files of speakers from Rosmuck
- The Irish of Iorras Aithneach, County Galway, a detailed publicly available study on the Irish spoken in Iorras Aithneach
- Irish phonology
- Recordings of the sounds of Irish
- Pronunciation hints for learners (in Irish)
- Fuaimeanna na Gaeilge, listen to different phonemes in three different dialects
- glottothèque - Ancient Indo-European Grammars online, an online collection on Ancient Indo-European languages, including videos on the phonology of Old Irish